Racial disparity in Brazil is best explained in Abdias Nascimento article, Quilombismo: An Afro-Brazilian Political Alternative. “I believe that the Black and mulatto the Brazilian of colour must have a racial counter-ideology and a counter position in socioeconomic terms. The Brazilian of colour must strive simultaneously for a double change: socioeconomic change in the country, and change in race and colour relations.” In 1968, through these words, Afro-Brazilian scholar, artist, and politician Abdias Nascimento called attention to the potentially divergent but essentially related nature of the two main objectives of Afro-Brazilian activism: first, to effect concrete change in the distribution of social and economic power in Brazil, and second, …show more content…
He writes about nationalism, but makes clear that by nationalism he does not mean xenophobia. He writes that Quilombismo, like Black Nationalism more broadly, is “universalist and internationalist in itself, in that it sees the national liberation of peoples respecting their unique cultural and political integrity, as an imperative for world liberation” (Nascimento, …show more content…
d., 1989). Scholars who endorse this term maintain that Brazilians do not regard each other through the lens of race, and that therefore race is not a relevant consideration in the study of social inequality. Abdias Nascimento’s ideas stand in direct opposition to this dominant discourse of racial democracy. His writings affirm the continuing importance of race in analyses of political inequality. He also draws attention to the important differences in cultural practice and worldview that emerge from the African ancestry of Brazil’s Afro-Brazilian population in ways that dominant political discourses, in Brazil and elsewhere, are not likely to. Examining “Quilombismo” in relation to the quilombo clause and resulting land disputes highlights the extent to which the philosophy particularly its cultural dimensions reflects the situation of rural Afro-Brazilians (Nascimento A. d., 1989). This examination also reflects the implications of Nascimento’s interpretation of the quilombos for race relations and the politics of recognition in Brazil more
In this book, the author seeks to understand how bodies are governed in Cuba, specifically the bodies of young women of certain ethnicities and not others. One of the central concepts that the author explores is jineterismo, as a sexual practice where young Cuban women engage in sexual activities with foreigners, but in a grey area between economic gain, love, and sexual desire (Daigle 12). Thus, using this concept as a backdrop, the author wants to answer the question of why young black or mixed-race women are governed differently by the state (Daigle 12). Indeed, the author
They are viewed as poor and in lower social class. They faced numbers of oppression from American’s due to the color of their skin hence they suffer from racial discrimination. This has made them revolutionized to form liberation theology. Having being pushed by this suffering, Gustavo Gutiérrez of Peru, Leonardo Boff of Brazil, Juan Luis Segundo of Uruguay and Jon Sobrino of Spain, came together in the 1950s and 1960s to formulate how they would fight for social discrimination especially the
1999, www.britannica.com/place/Peru/History. Accessed 14 Mar. 2023. "Nationalism and Ethnicity: Latin America." Encyclopedia of Race and Racism, edited by John Hartwell Moore, vol. 2, Macmillan Reference USA, 2008, pp. S22-S25.
Spartacus once said , “ When a slave dies he loses his pain. Death is the only freedom a slave knows. That’s why he is not afraid of it.” Sparta was an egalitarian society based on the principles of equality and freedom. So this question arises , is it possible that the Spartan Revolution began a ripple effect in the ideas of slavery , government ,and class distinctions which eventually impacted the Haitian Revolution?The Spartan and Haitian Revolutions are similar in that they both began with slave revolts,and choose their governments,after their revolutions, however they differ on how they impacted class distinctions.
In this essay, I will analyze the post colonial aspects of Quintilian’s arguments in this book and emphasize on how the exclusion of women
The United States is the world’s champion with a number of immigrants. Among them, the black population needs a special attention. The article makes an accent on African immigrants because their participation in this process is exceptional in terms of their race and the types of stigma and prejudice they collide as a result. Making qualitative conclusion, author states that relocation has always been a characteristic sign of the African American (Mathieu, S.-J., 2009). Slave trade period was well-known for forced taking away of African people from Africa in the South of America and Caribbean; humans were pushed into terrible terms of condition and existence.
Although broken up thematically, each portion contributes to the central narrative of prevalent racism against Afro-Cubans. In part two, De La Fuente examines the labor market as well as the social mobility of Cubans. Speaking to labor concerns, De La Fuente relates equality of opportunity to economic success, therefore placing Afro-Cubans on a lower level of social mobility. His emphasis on European and white immigration as being praised does well to support his claim of inherent racism. The exclusion of Afro-Cubans in the labor force fixes itself to the idea of a certain Cuban identity, the central theme of the work.
In order to keep up with the labor, plantation owners began importing slaves from Africa, which later led to a great mix in the country’s race and ethnicity. Once these sugar plantations began to harvest a successful profit, other European countries, like France and Spain, began to gain more and more interest in the land. This interest led to a great increase in wealth and immigration towards Brazil. These rival colonial
In the short story “Flavio’s Home”, the author Gordon Parks expresses the poverty in Rio de Janeiro. Gordon Parks was a journalist, and photographer for “Life Magazine” and “Vogue Magazine”. Parks went to Rio De Janeiro in 1990 to enlighten the United States about the poverty-stricken areas in Brazil. The assignment given to him was to find an impoverished father with a family, and examine his earnings. Contrarily, when Parks seen a boy named Flavio; he became fascinated by his appearance and began to follow him home.
According to Bourgois, he explained that he felt structural oppression was the main cause of what affected Primo and Caesar’s life choices and opportunities. Structural oppression is when people of a society identity group are mistreated and the treatment of these people are supported by society and its institution. Throughout the book, we see several cases in which Primo and Caesar and mistreated in various ways. In the beginning, Bourgois talks about the history of Puerto Ricans and how the immigration from Puerto Rico to New York City consequently affected the growth and development of their own culture in El Barrio.
The evolution of Candomblé's music from being exclusively sacred to also having a significant secular presence reflects the religion's adaptability to changing social and cultural contexts, while also highlighting the ongoing negotiation of identity and representation within Afro-Brazilian communities. This essay will chronologically examine Candomblé’s shift from sacred to secular music while highlighting contributing factors. Candomblé is an Afro-Brazilian religion that originated in the early 19th century in the region of Bahia, Brazil. It is a syncretic religion that includes elements of African traditional religions, particularly those of the Yoruba, Fon, and Bantu peoples, and later, elements of Catholicism. The religion's practitioners,
These two articles “ The Art of South American name calling” and “ A Geography of Time” both discuss the differences between the cultures in the USA and the varying cultures in Latin America. “The Art of South American Name Calling” is about how each of the varying countries and cultures view each other and the stereotypes that prevail. “A Geography of Time” focus on Levine’s experiences and observations about timeliness while teaching in Brazil. Each of them compare the cultures to those outside of Latin America, but mainly the USA. “The Art of South American Name Calling” focusses on how people in the USA tend to avoid forming stereotypes, while people in many South American countries embrace them.
Quilombos are communities organized by fugitive slaves in the colonial period of Brazil and they exist until today as a symbol of the resistance and as a settlement of African descendants. Nascimento considers the quilombos as alternative forms of social organizations, both they and the slums. To the author, to study them was not only a way to recover the history of Brazil, but to search for societal forms that could represent advances in relations to the inequality existent today. Thus, the author reconstructed the history of Quilombo Carmo da Mata, in Minas Gerais, gathering stories about how it emerged, considering the oral tradition of the community. To Nascimento, to tell the Brazil’s history by the quilombos is to put the black people in the center of the history (Nascimento, 2006 [1982]; Nascimento, 2006
In her fourth chapter, “The Face of Lightness: Skin Bleaching and the Colored Codes of Racial Aesthetics,” Jemima Pierre composes a compelling argument based on her encounters with and research into the skin-bleaching practice, namely in Accra, Ghana. Supporting her argument with both interviews and published advertisement, Pierre investigates the role that “whiteness” plays in terms of physical beauty and power and the lengths that people with non-White skin will go to get closer to achieving that perfect “whiteness.” In this chapter, it is clear how both the local and global political, economic, and social spheres impact and influence an individual’s choices and create a profile of the supreme type of person. It shows the lengths that people will go to not only gain favor and admiration in society, but also rise up and gain power, wealth and opportunity, despite probable, detrimental health consequences.
Coloniality of power is a concept/phrase originally coined by Anibal Quijano. The concept itself refers to interconnecting the practices and legacies of European colonialism in social orders and forms of knowledge. More specifically, it describes the lasting legacy of colonialism within modern society in the form of social and racial discrimination that has been incorporated into today’s social orders. Furthermore, it identifies the racial, political and social hierarchies enforced by European colonialists in Latin America that gave value to certain people while marginalizing others. Quijano’s main argument is based around the notion that the colonial structure of power created a class system, where Spaniards and other light skinned ethnicities