Race relations within the revolutionary Caribbean complicated the Twentieth Century, leaving questions of freedom and nationalism open to interpretation. In A Nation for All, Alejandro De La Fuente examines various meanings of race within post-Spanish Cuba, Batista’s Cuba, and socialist Cuba, and how racial tensions aligned with revolutionary ideas. Rather than simply adopting a chronological organization of events, Alejandro De La Fuente gains the reader’s attention by utilizing a thematic scheme. The idea of an inequality, masked by revolutionary, egalitarian rhetoric, remains central to each thematic division. De La Fuente’s work serves to undermine the elitist pretense of equality in Twentieth Century Cuba and expose the long-term effects …show more content…
Although broken up thematically, each portion contributes to the central narrative of prevalent racism against Afro-Cubans. In part two, De La Fuente examines the labor market as well as the social mobility of Cubans. Speaking to labor concerns, De La Fuente relates equality of opportunity to economic success, therefore placing Afro-Cubans on a lower level of social mobility. His emphasis on European and white immigration as being praised does well to support his claim of inherent racism. The exclusion of Afro-Cubans in the labor force fixes itself to the idea of a certain Cuban identity, the central theme of the work. In this part in particular, De La Fuente utilizes figures and solid facts to prove his claims, especially with his effective use of census records to show black flight from Cuba due to lack of opportunity (pg. 104). Speaking to social mobility and education, De La Fuente identifies the mediocrity of Cuban and American efforts to create a literate population. Although the government made significant strides to educate the populations, imperialist motivations fueled the system, which lacked secondary systems of support and training for Afro-Cubans. It is essential that De La Fuente identifies lack of labor opportunities and education in Cuba because both Afro-Cubans and white Cubans could eventually find solidarity in combatting these issues. Upon reading this chapter, De La Fuente’s revelation of a cyclical nature in Cuba with revolution and racism is uncovered. Therein lies the irony of solidarity mixed with ideas of superiority, a principle that De La Fuente should have emphasized rather than glazing over as it is crucial to examining revolutionary Cuba. In the other portion of the chapter, De La Fuente continues with Batista’s Cuba, but in a different light.
Lower class Cubans were treated as criminals, even though only 1% were actual criminals, and were left with barely any economical opportunities. The flow of Cubans into the U.S continued and still continues today but the U.S has set new policies to deal with the immigrants. I was shocked to learn about the challenges that Cubans had to deal with while trying escape their bad situations. I was stunned that the U.S could be so biased towards people. They welcomed Cubans but when the lower class started to arrive and the more people sought refugee, the more the U.S started to reject them.
The documentation of A Voyage to Saint Domingo (1797) is a first account of Francis Alexander Stanislaus and Baron de Wimpffen of their comparisons concerning different cities in regard to racism, religious rites, and pride, which the two sailor’s believed the city of Saint Domingo, happen to be the worst of all Spanish colonies This account was created to provide prove of the difference in citizenship in Saint Domingo, better known as Haiti. Similarly, within our course materials there is plenty of information regarding the Spanish of being racist, slave owners, and imperialist. Also, the inquisitions brought about some of the most disturbing religious extremism human beings has ever encountered. However, the message of the source is that
At that point he goes ahead to rundown first, second, third, and fourth on how they can really alter the problem. He says that it is their obligation to ensure the general population of Cuba and that it is the privilege of the US to mediate and offer assistance. He additionally utilizes a
During the early 1960’s many Cubans fled to the United States not because they wanted a better life, but because they were fleeing from the hardships put on them by Fidel Castro. According to Maria Garcia in Havana USA, there were three major waves of Cubans arriving in the United States. The first was after the revolution from 1959 to 1962, the second was during the “freedom fights” from 1965 to 1962, and the third was the “Mariel boatlift” in 1980. Many of the Cubans from these waves settled in Miami, Florida because of the similarities it has to Cuba. Miami was an easy transition for most of the Cubans looking for a new home until they could return to Cuba.
Focusing on Salvador a city within the state of Bahia, it has a population of over 3 million people which was previously the capital of Brazil and has many historical influences, such as it “…was the largest and most important port for the trafficking of Africans and other goods on the transatlantic trade route.” (pgs. 5,8). Importantly, Salvador is the most the largest Black population outside of Africa, and is 77 percent Black with 2.3 million Black residents, and is a major factor in determining the projection of living standards and conditions, that re cast in negative commentaries throughout the other parts of the country. (p. 7). This plays a significant role in the social and economic hierarchy as the idea of the country not being influenced by racial distinctions is contradicted by the actual living conditions of Afro-Cubans verses that of other ethnic groups.
During one of Maria and Feliciano’s conversations it was noted that, “Gualinto would have to be a learned man in order to help his people. How he would help them Feliciano had no idea, but he knew he must give the boy as much education as he could.” (49) Regrettably, Maria and Feliciano’s belief in the descent quality of the education system in Jonesville was not so accurate. Nevertheless, it is my belief that Gualinto’s school days molded him into becoming a stronger person by forcing him to face challenges, such as racism, which originated from his Mexican background. These experiences made him thrive to be successful in his schoolwork most importantly to show everyone that he could be great despite his
We should not feel unsafe and suppressed in our homeland. We cannot continue to remained trapped on this island. We did not give up democracy during the Cuban Revolution to be oppressed by a communist government for half of a century (The Cuban Libre Story). Let the following evidence depict our grievances.
Firstly, Cuba and the Soviets already had a very bad relationship with the United States. Research shows that, “Another key factor in the Soviet missile scheme was the hostile relationship between the United States and Cuba.” (“Cuban Missile Crisis”) The quote makes the statement in the second sentence true. The United States did not agree on how the government in Cuba was run and tried to overthrow it before but did not win.
Life on the plantations was not only exhausting, but a slave’s life was often cut short due to the rigorous demands of crop and factory production. Slavery was finally abolished on the island in 1886, but had already left its indelible mark on Cuban society. This essay will cover the different facets regarding slavery in Cuban society and its effects on modern day Cuba.
(Page 167, Lopéz) What led to their organizing efforts? What led to the solidarity of the racial
Racial disparity in Brazil is best explained in Abdias Nascimento article, Quilombismo: An Afro-Brazilian Political Alternative. “I believe that the Black and mulatto the Brazilian of colour must have a racial counter-ideology and a counter position in socioeconomic terms. The Brazilian of colour must strive simultaneously for a double change: socioeconomic change in the country, and change in race and colour relations.” In 1968, through these words, Afro-Brazilian scholar, artist, and politician Abdias Nascimento called attention to the potentially divergent but essentially related nature of the two main objectives of Afro-Brazilian activism: first, to effect concrete change in the distribution of social and economic power in Brazil, and second,
She achieves her aim in highlighting that the prohibitive laws which reduce people like her to mere sexual bodies is a psycho-social remnant of the colonial past. She addresses a number of audiences within the piece, including the human rights community, the governments of both her native Trinidad and Tobago and The Bahamas, and by extension all citizens of the Caribbean and wider world who have been disenfranchised by laws that diminish their humanity and highlight their perceived iniquity. The implication of her essay is clear: if not just any body can be a citizen, the democracy which we have set up is in need of some adjustment. It relates to us because it reminds us that for every time we deny any body rights, we have failed to live up to the principles on which are postcolonial societies are supposed to be
Cuba Comparison to US Policies and Practices –Theresa Plante When it comes to a comparison of Cuba and the United States policies and practices of education, it is commendable that Cuba has such a comprehensive education of citizens given the limited amount of resources. One cannot compare Cuban and American educations without first acknowledging the differences in ideological practices. Cuba has a Communist form of government, compared to the American Democracy.
Issues in defining race and ethnicity, specifically in the Dominican Republic, have historically been built around the country’s relationship with its neighbor on the other side of the island. Notions of “dominicanness” and Dominican nationalism presented by elitist groups in the country post-independence during the late 19th century relied on racial ideologies such as antihaitianismo (translation: “anti-Haitianism”) to illuminate the supposed negative “African” characteristics that existed in Dominican society. According to author Ernesto Sagás, antihaitianismo is defined as a set of socially reproduced anti-Haitian prejudices, myths, and stereotypes prevalent in the cultural makeup of the Dominican Republic based on presumed racial, social, economic, and national-cultural differences between Dominicans and Haitians (Sagás, 7). Essentially, blackness was associated with being Haitian. In 20th century Dominican Republic, the most violent representation of this racist ideology in the history of the country would be the Haitian massacre of
History is like a manufacturing machine that never stops creating a vast field of knowledge, theories, and assumptions and there is nothing more powerful than the past. Everyday we create history out of love, fear, or what we assume to be for the best interest of others and there is no particular person to be the judge of that. What is common to see is that history is both forgotten and repeated throughout years. The point of my paper is to shed light on such situation that has created a huge impact on today’s society that dates back to conquest of Spain in the Americas, which is remembered as successful conquest and not reflected on the idea that racial groups in the U.S. are used to create power and control.