The people of France have endured many hardships as the result of several conflicting ideas being proposed about the National Assembly, our governing body and it effectiveness in ruling our great nation. An issue of Women’s suffrage proposed to the National Assembly enlisted great controversy from the Jacobin’s Buzot and Section Leader Rolin. Pro-women’s rights, Section Leader Rolin made the compelling argument that women are the backbone of today’s society and should be allowed a voice in our governing body. She claimed ‘women take care of our city, they have helped bring down King Louis XVI, and this proves women are indeed strong’. Buzot countered his claims by stating women are fragile beings, they are to be protected, and they need not join men on the battle field of war where they will be killed. Still holding true to his belief Rolin argued against Buzot’s idea ‘women belong in the home,’ saying ‘women work on the docks’ they are capable of pulling their own weight and then some. …show more content…
The result of the vote appeased Section Leader Rolin for women’s suffrage was indeed added to the constitution despite a hard fought battle against the action coming true. I would like it known that I do not believe in women’s rights. I am a traditionalist who believes the fairer sex 's responsibilities lie with taking care of the ones they claim to love, their children and husbands. No woman should be allowed to pick up a gun nor a sword to commit such a violent crime as joining the rebellion’s fighters. They are too delicate to show witness to the outrages sight of blood being
The third, and final, device Florence Kelley uses to build her argument is a shift in topic. Her speech is delivered to the National American Woman Suffrage Association, a group primarily concerned with the equality of voting laws. She vows to use her right to petition “in every possible way until the right to ballot is granted.” By referring to a common goal shared by the author and her audience, a sense of trust is established between the two parties.
Because of sexist opinions of the time, many people believed that a woman had no power to create change, especially in government since she could not vote. Women themselves believed this societal expectation, and although Grimke does not reject society’s idea of femininity and womanhood entirely, she specifically rejects their supposed political incompetence in a rebuttal. Using evidence from general and specific political movements in England, all of which were greatly aided by the support of women petitioning the government, Grimke assured her audience that “When the women of these States send up to Congress such a petition our legislators will arise, as did those of England, and say: ‘When all the maids and matrons of the land are knocking at our doors we must legislate.’” (Grimke, 192) This summary of her somewhat vague past points is similarly nonspecific; however, this is still effective since simply alluding to historical events rather than explaining them was sufficient for an audience that knew more about England and its history than contemporary Americans do today.
Raylan Givens was holding a federal warrant to serve on a man in the marijuana trade known as Angel Arenas, forty-seven, born in the U.S. but 100 percent of him Hispanic. “I met him,” Raylan said, “the time I was on court duty in Miami and he was up for selling khat. That Arab plant you chew on and get high.” “Just medium high,” Rachel Brooks said, in the front seat of the SUV, Raylan driving, early morning sun showing behind them. “Khat’s just catchin on, grown in California, big in San Diego among real Africans.”
This review of this particular article, An Examination of Suffragette Violence, Bearman, C. J. (2005), will piece together the aims and objectives, along with looking at the its influences on other arguments within the subject area. Also the type of sources used throughout the article to help explain Bearman’s argument, and how it compares with other studies. The abstract for this article provides an outline for the main arguments, which are: an analysis and assessment of the impact of the violence caused by the suffragette movement, with close consideration to the Women’s Social and Political Union. This article looks at whether political violence helped towards the right to vote for women, (An Examination of Suffragette Violence, Abstract:
By using the countries’ own governmental document, Anthony masterfully poses, “In this very first paragraph of the declaration, is the assertion of the natural right of all to the ballot; for, how can “the consent of the governed” be given, if the right to vote be denied. Again: ‘That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles’” (Anthony par. 4-5). Women are citizens of the United States who are governed, yet they have no say in their government.
The Women’s Suffrage opened the door for women in politics and in occupations. Before the Movement, women couldn’t vote or run for office, and women holding jobs such as doctors was frowned upon. If the Suffrage Movement hadn’t happened in 1848, the present would be very different and much more sexist:any single mothers would struggle even more to support their children; women would just be expected to remain in the “women’s sphere” (the house;) and women would not be able to vote. But because of the suffragettes taking this stand, women can run for office; hold occupations that they desire; and
Six well-bred women stood before a judge in the Washington D.C. police court on June 27, 1917. Not thieves, not drunks, not prostitutes, like the usual attendants there. They included a university student, an author of nursing books, a prominent campaign organizer, and 2 former school teachers. All were educated accomplished and unacquainted with criminal activity, but on that day they stood in a court of law with their alleged offense, “Obstructing traffic”. What they had actually done was stand quietly in front of the White House holding banners, urging president Woodrow Wilson to add one sentence to the constitution: “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any account of sex”.
Document 4 shows a petition made by the London Workingmen’s Association in an attempt to, “enact that every person producing proof of his being 21 years of age shall be entitled to have his name registered as a voter.” In 1838, the time that this petition was created, it was mainly nobles and upper class citizens who had the right to vote, so it makes sense that the working men of Europe wish for male suffrage because then they have the ability to elect people whom they believe will better improve their lives. Document 5 introduces a woman activist, Flora Tristan, who wants universal working rights for all citizens in the, “universal union of working men and women.” Document 8 introduces another woman activist, Pauline Roland, who claims that, “as soon as a woman comes of age, she has the right to arrange her life as she wishes.” Women have historically been undermined in the working society through such laws as the Factory Law or the Mines Act, which left women without work or having less hours.
The women 's suffrage movement in the Pacific Northwest did get some successes in their fight for women 's rights. For example, in 1878 when Oregon passed laws giving married women right to own land and do with as they please and in 1881 Washington passed a similar law . It was not all successes these women face many hardships within the Pacific Northwest, especially from Washington territory . Multiple time in the New Northwest there were article warning women about the rumor of the someone was trying to overturn the women 's suffrage law in Washington state. In the article that I want to focus on is called Last call to Women of the Washington Territory , which was published in October 30, 1884, it informs the it’s reader that there is a plot which is being led by Liquor Dealer Associations of San Francisco, Portland and St. Paul to have women suffrage law repeal in Washington.
As seen in both Documents #6 and #7, the aforementioned women’s rights activists sought to empower the female citizen, blatantly expressing how women ought to be granted the same God-given rights that men have, as outlined in the Constitution. With the
The Women’s March on Versailles struck a conversation pertaining to women’s rights beyond traditional roles in the household setting. Following the National Assembly’s “Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen” in August 1789, tensions between the French government and
It was an enormous social change for women to take part in public decision making, and gave them a voice to abolish unjust laws. The suffragettes in Australia argued that they were intelligent enough to vote, that it was unfair for them to be taxed without representation, and that they were equal to men therefore should have equal rights. In contrary, the suffragettes’ opponents alleged that women already had indirect power through manipulating their husbands and father’s voting choices at the ballot box, that women were equal but different and that women could not fulfil the duties of citizenship therefore should not vote. The suffragettes encouraged people to sign their petition, as well as held meeting and debates in order to gain supporters. Women in Australia used civil methods of protest, and didn’t adapt the more radical methods used by suffragettes in other countries.
The American Revolution was a political upheaval that brought many changes to America by greatly altering the popular understanding of women’s partisan status and creating a widespread debate over the meaning of women’s rights. White women had large, essential roles in America’s victory in the American Revolution creating new opportunities for women to participate in politics and support different parties. Women were able to take advantage of these opportunities until a conservative backlash developed by 1830 that stopped any political advancement of women. In Rosemarie Zagarri’s book, Revolutionary Backlash, the author talks about the many things that played a part in causing a backlash against women in the early republic starting when women’s
In her 1975 article, “Feminism in the French Revolution,” Jane Abray provides a dismissive view of women’s movements during the Revolution. In the article, Abray emphasizes the failures of revolutionary feminism. In her opinion, the most compelling reason for revolutionary feminism’s failure was that it was a minority interest that remained inaccessible to the majority of French women who accepted their inferior status to men. Abray suggests additional reasons for the movement’s “abject failure,” including its inability to garner support from the male leaders of the Revolution, the disreputable characters of the feminist leaders, the strategic errors made by the movement’s leaders, and a “spirit of the times” that emphasized the nuclear family
This club aimed to enhance the rights of the Third Estate and protect the French Revolution. There were meetings held regularly, which up to 180 women attended. One notable achievement of the club was on 20th May 1793, when a group of women demanded bread and the introduction of a Constitution which, among other things promoted male suffrage. When these women were ignored, they went about “sacking shops, seizing grain